Investigation · New Initiative

Michigan’s courts record every filing, charge, and sentence. Nobody records the drive, the wait, the lost shift, or the missed bedtime. Clutch Justice is going to start counting.

Direct Answer

The Clutch Justice Court Harm Index is a new research initiative, independently developed by Clutch Justice, that uses a survey to document what a single court visit costs people in Michigan: time, wages, money, family stability, health, and housing, plus sentences imposed above applicable guideline ranges. Each submission covers one visit. It is a research and public-awareness project, not a case review service.

Key Points

Courts track cases in detail. The time, money, and family disruption people absorb to attend court is not tracked anywhere in a usable, comparable form.

The Court Harm Index collects visit-level data: one survey per court visit, so routine burdens and cumulative burdens can both be measured.

Sentencing data is measured against actual guideline ranges and imposed sentences, not against how a respondent feels about the outcome.

Submitting a survey is not a request for legal help, case review, or intervention.

Quick FAQs

Who can take the survey?

Any adult, 18 or older, who attended a court visit as a party, defendant, victim, witness, family member, or support person and can describe what that visit cost them.

Can I submit more than once?

Yes, once per distinct court visit. Please do not submit two responses about the same appearance.

Will Clutch Justice look into my case?

No. The survey gathers data to document patterns. It does not open a case review or any kind of intervention.

Is every harm reported here proof of misconduct?

No. Many of the costs the Index measures come from routine court operations. The point is to see them clearly, not to presume wrongdoing.

The Cost Nobody Is Counting

I want to start with a morning that will sound familiar to a lot of people.

Take a hypothetical. A woman in rural Michigan has a 9:00 a.m. hearing at a courthouse 90 minutes from home. She leaves at 7:00 to allow for weather and parking. She pays a neighbor to get her kids on the bus. She loses a full shift at a job with no paid leave, after her supervisor has already warned her about absences. The courthouse lot is full, so she pays for a garage two blocks away. Her case is called at 11:40. The hearing lasts nine minutes. The matter is adjourned and a new date is set three weeks out.

Then she drives home and starts arranging the next one.

Nothing unlawful happened that morning. Nobody broke a rule. The register of actions will show an adjournment and a new date. It will not show the drive. Or the parking receipt. Or the lost shift. Or the neighbor who has to be paid again in three weeks.

Courts are very good at counting what happens to cases. Filings, charges, continuances, dispositions, fines, sentences: all of it is entered, reported, and aggregated. What the people inside those cases spend to keep showing up is entered nowhere. Because each person absorbs it alone, the cumulative picture stays invisible.

Researchers have been naming this problem for decades. Malcolm Feeley’s 1979 study of a lower criminal court, The Process Is the Punishment, found that the costs of moving through the pretrial process often outweighed the sentence a defendant eventually received. Issa Kohler-Hausmann’s 2018 study of New York City’s misdemeanor courts, Misdemeanorland, documented how repeated appearances and procedural hassle function as a form of control in their own right, regardless of how a case ends.

Michigan has seen what happens when someone finally counts. The Michigan Joint Task Force on Jail and Pretrial Incarceration reported in January 2020 that nearly 358,000 driver’s licenses were suspended in 2018 for failing to appear in court and failing to pay fines and fees, and that driving without a valid license was the third most common reason for jail admission in the state. The Legislature acted on those findings, and since 2021 Michigan no longer suspends licenses for many missed court dates and unpaid fees. That reform started with data that showed the scale of a burden people had been carrying one at a time.

Why I Built This

Here is the honest version. There are only so many articles I can write about the same things Judge Michael Schipper does in his courtroom. There are only so many ways I can say that families have been shortchanged by Judge Margaret Bakker.

I have written those stories, and I will keep writing them. But told one at a time, every one of them can be waved off. One family. One bad day. One unhappy litigant. A pattern is much harder to wave off once it has been counted.

Without the big picture, things will never change. So we need data to prove the harm is real.

Court Harm Index · Take Part
Went to court in Michigan? Document what one visit cost you.

The survey covers one specific court visit. If you have attended more than one, you can document each distinct visit separately.

TAKE THE COURT HARM SURVEY Research and public-awareness project. Not a request for case review or legal help.

Introducing the Clutch Justice Court Harm Index

The Court Harm Index is a community-powered research initiative built to document and measure the human cost of court involvement in Michigan. It was developed independently by Clutch Justice. It is not affiliated with any court, agency, bar association, or advocacy organization, and nobody outside Clutch Justice directs what it measures or how results are reported.

The Index is new, and it should be described accurately: it is a proposed measurement framework, not an already validated scientific instrument. Its job is to collect consistent, comparable accounts of individual court visits so that patterns can be identified across court types, counties, and case categories.

That data has several uses. It can give the public a clearer picture of what court involvement actually demands of people. It can point Clutch Justice reporting toward courts or practices that warrant a closer look. It can give researchers a starting dataset on burdens that rarely appear in official statistics. And where the evidence is consistent, it can inform conversations with legislators and court administrators about where the system asks too much of the people who move through it.

What the Index Measures

The survey is organized around the categories of cost people describe most often after a court visit, along with one category that comes straight from the court record. Use the explorer below to see what each one covers.

Measurement Explorer · Seven Categories

Time

Travel time to and from court, time spent waiting in the courthouse, how long the proceeding itself lasted, and total time lost to the visit. A ten-minute hearing that costs four hours is a different event than the docket suggests.

What it can show: average travel and waiting time by court type and county, and the gap between proceeding length and total time lost.

Work

Missed shifts, lost wages, use of paid leave, disciplinary consequences at work, and job loss connected to court attendance.

What it can show: how often respondents report lost income or job consequences, and how those reports cluster by court and schedule.

Money

Fines, fees, and costs assessed at the visit, attorney expenses, parking and travel costs, whether the respondent could afford what was imposed, and whether anyone offered an ability-to-pay review. Michigan court rules already require an on-record ability-to-pay determination before anyone is jailed or has probation revoked for nonpayment under MCR 6.425(D)(3). The Index asks the earlier question: what people pay, and what they can’t, before nonpayment ever becomes an enforcement issue.

What it can show: typical out-of-pocket costs per visit and how often respondents report being unable to pay what was imposed.

Family

Childcare costs and arrangements, missed parenting time, separation from children or dependents, and other household disruption tied to the visit.

What it can show: how frequently court attendance displaces caregiving, and at what cost to households.

Health and Housing

Reported psychological stress and physical health consequences, housing instability, and interruptions to school or training connected to court involvement.

What it can show: how often respondents report health, housing, or education disruption alongside a court visit.

Sentencing

For criminal sentencing visits, the applicable minimum sentence guideline range and the minimum sentence actually imposed, taken from sentencing documents rather than from the respondent’s opinion of the outcome. Michigan’s guidelines, codified at MCL 777.1 and following, have been advisory since People v Lockridge in 2015. Under People v Steanhouse (2017) and People v Posey (2023), courts may depart from the range when the sentence is reasonable and proportionate, and within-range sentences carry a presumption of proportionality. An above-guidelines sentence is not automatically unlawful.

What it can show: among documented sentences, how often the imposed minimum exceeds the guideline range, and by how much.

Repeat Visits

Whether the visit was one of several in the same matter, and whether it involved a continuance, adjournment, cancellation, or appearance where nothing substantive happened. Research on court attendance has shown that operational choices change outcomes: a 2020 study in Science by Fishbane, Ouss, and Shah found that redesigned summons forms and text reminders reduced missed court appearances. How courts schedule and communicate is a design decision with measurable consequences.

What it can show: how cumulative burden builds across a single case, and how much of it comes from appearances that resolved nothing.

From those responses, the Index is built to calculate average travel and waiting time, typical financial burdens per visit, how often specific impacts are reported, and recurring patterns across criminal, family and custody, civil, juvenile, and traffic matters, and across counties.

One Court Visit, One Submission

This is the methodological choice the rest of the project depends on. Each survey response documents one specific court visit. Someone who has attended court five times can complete five surveys, one for each distinct visit. Nobody should submit more than one response describing the same appearance. If you need to fix something you already submitted, the survey lets you mark a new response as a correction.

Visit-level data is what makes the responses comparable. A survey that asked people to summarize years of court involvement in one answer would produce numbers that can’t be lined up against each other. A survey that asks what happened on one specific day, at one specific courthouse, produces records that can be averaged, sorted, and compared.

It also makes cumulative harm measurable. When one person documents several visits in the same matter, those visits can be analyzed together to show how costs stack up over the life of a case.

Repeat participants can use an optional repeat-respondent code of their own choosing, and repeat participation will be accounted for statistically. Someone with twenty appearances should not single-handedly drive conclusions about what court involvement costs a typical person. The analysis is designed to answer two separate questions: what a single visit typically costs, and what repeated court involvement costs a person over time.

Two Short Answers, Not a Case History

Alongside the structured questions, respondents are asked for two short written descriptions. The first asks what happened during this court visit. The second asks what this visit cost you or your family. Each answer is limited to 400 characters.

The limit is deliberate. The goal is consistent, usable data, not litigation histories, accusations, or requests for help with a case. The most useful answers stick to dates, observable events, time, expenses, and concrete consequences. “Waited three hours, hearing lasted eight minutes, adjourned to next month” tells the Index something it can count. So does “lost a day’s pay and paid $60 for childcare.”

Clutch Confidential
Clutch is free to read. It isn’t free to produce.

Projects like the Court Harm Index are built and run by an independent newsroom with no institutional funding. Members vote on the next investigation, get early access to reporting, join monthly member chats, and receive the Field Kit and course library free.

$10/month ?

How Submissions Will Be Evaluated

Self-reported experience is legitimate research data, and it will be treated that way. People are the best source on how long they waited, what they paid, and what they missed. Some claims will need corroboration before Clutch Justice describes them as verified findings, and the Index keeps three categories separate.

Three Tiers of Evidence

What a respondent tells the survey about a visit: time spent, money paid, work missed, family disruption. Reported harm is included in research and reported as respondent-reported data in aggregate.

Example: a respondent reports losing a full shift to a nine-minute hearing.

A reported harm supported by records, such as a register of actions showing the adjournment, a sentencing document showing the guideline range and imposed minimum, or a receipt. Court records and supporting materials may be used when appropriate and voluntarily supplied through approved procedures. The survey asks whether sentencing figures came from a court record the respondent has in hand.

Example: a judgment of sentence confirms the imposed minimum exceeded the scored range.

A determination by a court, appellate panel, or oversight body that conduct was unlawful or improper. The Index does not make legal findings. Harm and unlawfulness are different questions, and most of what the Index measures is the cost of the system operating as designed.

Example: an appellate court holds that a departure sentence was unreasonable and remands for resentencing.

Not every response will be independently verified, and the dataset will not represent every person involved in Michigan’s courts. Respondents choose to participate, so results describe the people who took part, not the state as a whole.

Privacy is a design principle for the Index: collect what the research questions require, report findings in aggregate, and keep individual responses out of public view. The survey does not ask for your name. The judge’s name and case number are optional. Responses are treated as confidential, but they are not guaranteed to be anonymous, because details like a repeat-respondent code or a submission date can link responses together. Do not include children’s names, addresses, medical details, or sealed or privileged information. Read the survey’s own notice before submitting.

The pattern

Michigan already measures what court involvement costs the courts. In 2019 the Trial Court Funding Commission found that criminal defendants are charged more than $418 million in fines and fees each year, and that more than a quarter of trial court budgets come from fines and fees. What nobody has measured is what one appearance costs the person who has to make it.

What This Research Could Answer

Michigan’s 303 trial courts cost roughly $1.2 billion a year to run, according to a 2026 Pew Charitable Trusts analysis of the state’s court funding structure. That spending is tracked down to the funding source. The Index is built to put comparable numbers on the other side of the ledger.

The research questions are concrete. How much work time do respondents report losing to court attendance? How long do they spend traveling and waiting, and how does that compare to the length of the proceeding? How often do respondents report being unable to afford fines and fees imposed at a visit? Among verified criminal sentences, how often does the imposed minimum exceed the applicable guideline range, and by how much? How many respondents report family separation, housing instability, or job disruption connected to court involvement?

Consistent answers can identify questions for deeper investigation, sharpen public discussion of how courts schedule and operate, and support consideration of policy changes where the evidence warrants it. The survey alone will not establish statewide prevalence, and it does not guarantee any legislative outcome. It gives people who make decisions about courts something they currently lack: a structured record of what those decisions cost the public.

Important: Please Read Before Participating

The Clutch Justice Court Harm Index is a research and public-awareness project. Submitting a survey does not constitute a request for individual case review, legal advice, representation, investigation, or intervention.

Clutch Justice does not promise to review your case, contact the court, provide legal assistance, resolve a complaint, or change the outcome of any proceeding.

Information is being gathered to document patterns, support public awareness and investigative reporting, and potentially inform future research and legislation.

Participation is voluntary.

Volunteers · The Accountability Network
Help build the dataset.

The Index is only as strong as the number of people who know it exists. Volunteers can help by sharing the survey with people and community groups who deal with Michigan courts, encouraging accurate one-visit-per-submission participation, supporting outreach and data quality, and, when authorized, helping check limited public-record information using simple checklists. No legal experience is needed to help distribute the survey.

Volunteering does not provide access to confidential respondent information.

Join the Accountability Network ?
Methodology and Limitations

The Court Harm Index is a new research initiative using a proposed measurement framework; it is not a validated scientific instrument. Data is collected through a voluntary survey in which each response documents one court visit. Respondents may document multiple distinct visits, and repeat participation is weighted in analysis so person-level conclusions are not dominated by individuals with many appearances.

Responses are self-reported. Reported harm, documented harm, and legal findings are reported as separate categories, and sentencing comparisons rely on actual guideline ranges and imposed sentences from sentencing documents. Because participation is voluntary, results describe respondents, not all court users in Michigan, and do not establish statewide prevalence. Measurement categories and methods may be refined as data comes in, and any changes will be disclosed when findings are published.

Why This Matters

I have spent years reading registers of actions, and here is what I notice every time. The record tells you a hearing was adjourned. It doesn’t tell you who paid for it.

That gap isn’t an accident of bad recordkeeping. It reflects what the system was built to watch. Courts measure throughput because throughput is what they are funded, audited, and evaluated on. The people moving through them carry the rest, and they carry it individually, which is exactly why it never shows up as a pattern.

If you have been to court in Michigan, your visit is data. Document it.

We track what happens to cases. It’s time we started measuring what happens to people.

Court Harm Index · Take Part
One visit. A few minutes. A record that didn’t exist before.

Answer questions about one specific court visit. If you have attended other distinct visits, you can document each one separately.

TAKE THE COURT HARM SURVEY Research and public-awareness project. Not a request for case review or legal help.
Sources
Case LawPeople v Lockridge, 498 Mich 358 (2015).
Case LawPeople v Steanhouse, 500 Mich 453 (2017).
Case LawPeople v Posey, 512 Mich 317 (2023).
LawMichigan Sentencing Guidelines, MCL 777.1 et seq.
CourtMichigan Court Rule 6.425(D)(3), Incarceration for Nonpayment; State Court Administrative Office, Ability to Pay Court Rule Amendments (Aug. 16, 2016).
ReportMichigan Joint Task Force on Jail and Pretrial Incarceration, Report and Recommendations (Jan. 2020); summarized in The Pew Charitable Trusts, Michigan Enacts Landmark Jail Reforms (2021).
ReportMichigan Trial Court Funding Commission, Final Report (Sept. 2019), Michigan Department of Treasury; reported by Michigan Public (Sept. 12, 2019).
ResearchThe Pew Charitable Trusts, State Court Funding: Insights From Michigan (2026).
ResearchMalcolm M. Feeley, The Process Is the Punishment: Handling Cases in a Lower Criminal Court (Russell Sage Foundation, 1979).
ResearchIssa Kohler-Hausmann, Misdemeanorland: Criminal Courts and Social Control in an Age of Broken Windows Policing (Princeton University Press, 2018).
ResearchAlissa Fishbane, Aurelie Ouss, and Anuj K. Shah, “Behavioral nudges reduce failure to appear for court,” Science 370 (2020).
How to Cite This Article
Bluebook (Legal)

Rita Williams, The Hidden Cost of Going to Court: Introducing the Clutch Justice Court Harm Index, Clutch Justice (Oct. 29, 2026), https://clutchjustice.com/2026/10/29/court-harm-index-michigan/.

APA 7

Williams, R. (2026, October 29). The hidden cost of going to court: Introducing the Clutch Justice Court Harm Index. Clutch Justice. https://clutchjustice.com/2026/10/29/court-harm-index-michigan/

MLA 9

Williams, Rita. “The Hidden Cost of Going to Court: Introducing the Clutch Justice Court Harm Index.” Clutch Justice, 29 Oct. 2026, clutchjustice.com/2026/10/29/court-harm-index-michigan/.

Chicago

Williams, Rita. “The Hidden Cost of Going to Court: Introducing the Clutch Justice Court Harm Index.” Clutch Justice, October 29, 2026. https://clutchjustice.com/2026/10/29/court-harm-index-michigan/.

Continue Your Investigation

If this reporting raised more questions, use the Clutch Justice ecosystem to keep going.