This article is anchored to new data from a Brookings Institution analysis published April 28, 2026 — Second Chance Month — documenting the systemic failure of petition-based record sealing across states with Clean Slate laws. All statistics are drawn from primary research cited in full at the bottom of this piece.
Thirteen states and Washington D.C. have now passed Clean Slate laws — bipartisan legislation designed to seal eligible criminal records and remove barriers to housing, employment, and opportunity for the roughly 100 million Americans with an arrest or conviction record. The laws work through two mechanisms: automatic sealing, where the state identifies and seals eligible records without requiring anything from the individual, and petition-based sealing, where the individual must navigate a maze of filing requirements, waiting periods, legal fees, and prosecutorial review to get the same result. New data published in late April 2026 by the Brookings Institution makes the performance gap between these two systems impossible to ignore: petition-based systems are failing. In Michigan — before automation — only 6.5% of people eligible for record clearing actually managed to get their records cleared. The state knew those records were eligible. It just required the individual to find their way through a labyrinth to prove it. That is not a neutral procedural choice. It is a policy decision to protect the system’s opacity over individual liberty. It needs to end.
A Law That Works for 6.5% of the People It Was Written For Is Not Working
Let us start with what Clean Slate laws are supposed to do. They are supposed to give people who have served their time, stayed out of trouble for the required waiting period, and demonstrated precisely the rehabilitation the system claims to reward — a mechanism to move forward without a record following them into every job application, housing inquiry, and professional licensing process for the rest of their lives.
That is the stated goal. It is a good goal. It is broadly supported across partisan lines. Employers want it because a criminal record excludes qualified workers from an already tight labor market. Public safety advocates want it because stable employment is one of the strongest documented predictors of reduced recidivism. Communities want it because the cascading consequences of a permanent record extend to children, families, and entire neighborhoods. The Brookings Institution put numbers to this in its April 28, 2026 analysis: economists estimate that removing criminal record barriers can boost individual annual earnings by 20 to 25 percent, particularly in industries like construction, logistics, manufacturing, retail, and hospitality.
Petition-based systems undermine this goal completely. Not by accident. By design.
When the state already knows a record is eligible for sealing — because the law defines eligibility based on data the state already possesses — requiring the individual to file a petition to receive that relief is not a neutral procedural step. It is a gatekeeping decision. It privileges people with legal knowledge, legal resources, and the stability to navigate bureaucratic complexity over people who have none of those things. Since people with criminal records are disproportionately poor, disproportionately people of color, and disproportionately without access to legal counsel, petition systems do not deliver relief equitably. They deliver it to the people who least need help navigating systems.
Automatic vs. Petition: What the Systems Actually Require
The difference between these two systems is not a technical distinction. It is the entire ballgame. Here is what each one actually asks of the person seeking relief.
The Massachusetts example in that second column is not an abstraction. Progressive Massachusetts documented the problem directly: individuals seeking to seal records must mail or deliver petitions to the Commissioner of Probation, who processes them manually, one by one. This creates backlogs of several months — after people have already waited years to become eligible. And critically, many people do not know when their records are eligible for sealing, and only learn they might be eligible after they have already lost the job, the apartment, or the opportunity that a sealed record would have made possible. The relief arrives after the damage is done, if it arrives at all.
The Numbers That Make the Argument
Numbers tell this story better than rhetoric does. Here is the documented record of what automatic sealing produces versus what petition systems produce.
The Michigan comparison is the clearest controlled experiment the data offers. The same state. The same population. The same legal eligibility. Before automation: 6.5% uptake. After automation: over a million records sealed in twelve months. The variable that changed was not the law. It was not the eligibility criteria. It was not the people. It was whether the system was designed to deliver relief or designed to gatekeep it.
Pennsylvania enacted the nation’s first automatic record sealing law in 2018, targeting summary offenses and non-conviction records older than ten years. The 2019 implementation sealed millions of records within months — without anyone filing a single petition. Pennsylvania has since expanded the law three times. Clean Slate 2.0 added categories. Clean Slate 3.0, effective February 2024, extended automatic sealing to certain nonviolent felonies for the first time, reduced misdemeanor waiting periods from ten to seven years, and reduced summary offense waiting periods from ten to five years.
Pennsylvania was originally one of the most restrictive states for record sealing in the country. The R Street Institute now describes its clean slate laws as “model legislation.” The transformation happened through automation — removing the petition requirement from categories where eligibility was objectively determinable from existing state data.
Where Each State Stands Right Now
The 13 states and D.C. that have passed Clean Slate laws are not equivalent. The difference between a fully automated system and a hybrid system that reserves petition requirements for broader categories of offenses is the difference between a law that works for most eligible people and a law that works for the few who can navigate the process.
| State | Year Enacted | System Type | Status & Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Pennsylvania | 2018 (v3.0: 2024) | Automatic | Nation’s first; expanded three times; now includes certain felonies. Model legislation. |
| Utah | 2019 | Hybrid | Automatic for some misdemeanors after 7 years; full implementation still underway. Salt Lake City cleared 74K backlogged records in 2024. |
| New Jersey | 2019 | Hybrid | Automatic for some categories; petition required for others. |
| Michigan | 2020 (auto: 2023) | Automatic | 912,000+ records sealed in first year of automation. Before automation: 6.5% petition uptake. The defining before/after comparison in the field. |
| Connecticut | 2021 | Automatic | Nearly two-year implementation delay documented by advocates; partners working with state to resolve in 2024–25. |
| Delaware | 2021 | Automatic | Earlier implementation phase; in progress. |
| Virginia | 2021 (effective: July 2026) | Hybrid | Automatic for certain misdemeanors after 7 years; petition required for eligible felonies. Takes effect July 1, 2026. Implementation delayed one year for database modernization. |
| California | 2022 | Automatic | DOJ identifies and seals qualifying records periodically. Delays possible at scale. Legal assistance still recommended for database errors. |
| Colorado | 2022 (full effect: July 2025) | Automatic | Hundreds of thousands of records sealed since full implementation in July 2025. Technical fix bill passed 2024. |
| Oklahoma | 2022 | Automatic | SB 1770 expansion passed unanimously (43-0) in 2024. Signed by Gov. Stitt. |
| Washington D.C. | 2022 | Automatic | Second Chance Act automatic expungement began January 2026, including decriminalized offenses and misdemeanors. |
| Minnesota | 2023 | Automatic | 2.17M potentially eligible records identified; 1.5M sealed or in final review as of October 2025 — 72% processed. |
| New York | 2023 | Hybrid | Commission exists but legislature retains override authority on some categories. |
| Illinois | 2025 | Pending | 13th state to pass. Automatic sealing provisions take effect January 2029; petition reforms effective June 30, 2026. 1.74 million people expected to benefit. |
The Human Cost of Bureaucratic Failure
The statistic that needs to live rent-free in every state legislator’s head who is considering a petition-based system is this: people often only learn they were eligible for record sealing after they have already lost the opportunity that sealing would have provided. They apply for the job. The background check surfaces the record. They are rejected. Then — sometimes then — they learn that their record was legally eligible to be sealed, and had been for years, and all they needed to do was navigate a process they did not know existed, could not afford the filing costs for, and would likely have needed a lawyer to complete anyway.
This is not a hypothetical. Massachusetts’s own advocacy organizations have documented it happening with regularity in a state that still processes petitions manually, one at a time, through a single state office that creates months-long backlogs. Connecticut’s advocates documented a nearly two-year delay in full implementation of its Clean Slate law — two years during which eligible people were technically entitled to relief that the state’s systems were not delivering.
That sentence is so obvious it should be embarrassing that it needs to be said. Of course sealing only works if people get their records sealed. Of course a law that makes 6.5% of eligible people whole is not doing what the legislature said it would do when it passed. Of course requiring a person to prove their eligibility to a state that already possesses the data demonstrating it is not a neutral procedural requirement — it is a barrier dressed up in paperwork.
The economic consequences compound the injustice. A sealed record removes a barrier that was functioning as a permanent tax on every economic transaction a person attempted to make — every job application, every rental application, every professional license, every student loan, every housing assistance program. Remove the barrier and earnings rise 20 to 25 percent. Remove it for 100 people instead of 6 and you have done something that resembles justice. Remove it for 6 out of 100 because the other 94 couldn’t find their way through the maze, and you have created a program that exists on paper and operates as a lottery.
The Federal Gap — and What Congress Has Actually Done
State Clean Slate laws address state records. Federal convictions — which include a significant share of drug offenses, immigration-related charges, and white-collar crimes — have no equivalent sealing mechanism. There is currently no federal law that allows any federal conviction record to be sealed. None.
Congress has introduced two bills that would begin to address this. The Clean Slate Act of 2025 would create the first federal automatic record sealing mechanism, targeting low-level conviction records and eligible nonviolent federal marijuana records. Under the bill, records generally become eligible for automatic sealing one year after sentence completion. The Fresh Start Act of 2025 would create a federal grant program allowing states to apply for funding to modernize their record-keeping infrastructure — the technical prerequisite for effective automation. Both bills have bipartisan sponsorship. Neither has passed.
The R Street Institute’s February 2025 analysis of Clean Slate implementation failures identified a critical and underappreciated barrier: states with dated recordkeeping practices cannot automate what they cannot accurately identify. Automation requires digitized, centralized, and accurately coded records. In states where criminal history data is fragmented across county systems, incompletely digitized, or inconsistently coded, the algorithm that identifies eligible records cannot function reliably.
Michigan’s implementation illustrates what happens when this is not planned for. When the state’s automatic system launched, the volume of records being processed overwhelmed existing infrastructure, making records temporarily inaccessible — leaving employers unable to complete background checks and individuals in limbo, losing employment opportunities while the system caught up. The solution is investment in database modernization before or alongside legislation. The Fresh Start Act would fund exactly that. Its failure to pass is not a technical problem. It is a political one.
What Needs to Happen — and Who Is Blocking It
The path forward is not complicated. It is politically difficult in some states, but technically straightforward, legally sound, and economically documented. Here is what it requires.
States that have not yet passed Clean Slate laws need to pass them — with automatic sealing as the default, not the exception. States that have passed hybrid laws with petition requirements for broader categories need to examine honestly whether those petition requirements are serving a legitimate gatekeeping function or simply functioning as an attrition mechanism that ensures only the most resourced and persistent applicants receive relief the legislature voted to provide to everyone who qualified.
States that have implementation backlogs — Connecticut, parts of Virginia, and others — need to treat those backlogs as the justice failures they are and resource the agencies responsible for clearing them. Virginia’s Clean Slate law was delayed an entire year because the Virginia State Police and clerk’s offices needed additional time to update databases. That delay is understandable. Treating it as acceptable going forward is not.
Congress needs to pass the Clean Slate Act and the Fresh Start Act. The argument against them is not that they would harm public safety — the research consensus is precisely the opposite. The argument against them is, depending on who is making it, some combination of ideological resistance to any policy that reduces the permanence of criminal penalties, institutional inertia from prosecutors’ offices that benefit from the leverage a permanent record provides, and political calculation about which constituencies are paying attention. None of those arguments holds up against the data.
A Clean Slate law that requires a petition is not clean. It is a law that announces a commitment to second chances and then buries the mechanism for delivering them under paperwork, filing fees, waiting periods, prosecutorial veto power, and legal complexity that most eligible people cannot navigate on their own. The state knows who is eligible. It has the data. The choice to require a petition is a choice to withhold relief from the people who most need it and deliver it only to those who can afford to fight for what they were already owed.
That is not a second chance. It is a second test. And it is one that 93.5% of Michigan residents failed — not because they were ineligible, but because the system was not built for them to succeed.
Sources
Rita Williams, The Second Chance Gap: Automatic vs. Petition-Based Clean Slate Laws and the Human Cost of Bureaucratic Failure, Clutch Justice (May 28, 2026), https://clutchjustice.com/2026/05/28/clean-slate-automatic-vs-petition/.
Williams, R. (2026, May 28). The second chance gap: Automatic vs. petition-based clean slate laws and the human cost of bureaucratic failure. Clutch Justice. https://clutchjustice.com/2026/05/28/clean-slate-automatic-vs-petition/
Williams, Rita. “The Second Chance Gap: Automatic vs. Petition-Based Clean Slate Laws and the Human Cost of Bureaucratic Failure.” Clutch Justice, 28 May 2026, clutchjustice.com/2026/05/28/clean-slate-automatic-vs-petition/.