What Was Never Studied: Health Surveillance, Radon, and the Population That Was Relocated Before the Questions Were Answered
A parallel institutional failure runs alongside the Centralia record. This report examines it directly.
- The six-part Centralia Files series documented the institutional failure to remediate a burning mine and the cost-benefit logic that chose relocation over remediation. This special report examines the parallel failure: the failure to formally study what the fire and decades of exposure to its byproducts actually did to the health of the people who lived above it.
- The primary documented acute hazards of the Centralia fire — carbon monoxide and sulfurous gases — were monitored, and elevated readings were recorded. A second hazard pathway, radon, is mechanistically coherent and scientifically well-established but poorly documented in the Centralia-specific record.
- Hershey Medical Center confirmed that Centralia residents had a greater incidence of health problems than residents of neighboring towns. That finding established a health differential. It did not produce a formal epidemiological study. No such study was conducted. The population was relocated instead.
- ATSDR, EPA, and the Pennsylvania Department of Health each held jurisdictional claim on some portion of the health surveillance mandate. The publicly available record does not show that any of them exercised it comprehensively.
- The absence of a study is not evidence that harm did not occur. It is evidence that the institutions with authority to conduct the study did not do so. The harm remains unquantified. The liability remains unestablished. The people who absorbed the exposure have no formal record connecting what happened to them to what was done to the ground beneath their homes.
Carbon monoxide and sulfurous gases are the primary documented acute hazards — both were monitored in Centralia and elevated readings recorded. Radon is a second pathway: coal seams contain radon precursors, mine fires mobilize radon by heating the ground and creating migration pathways, and Pennsylvania has elevated background radon levels. Radon is a Group A human carcinogen responsible for an estimated 21,000 U.S. lung cancer deaths annually.
That Centralia residents suffered a greater incidence of health problems than residents of neighboring towns. A health differential — not a characterized epidemiological finding. The appropriate response to that signal is a formal community health assessment. No such study was conducted for Centralia.
ATSDR holds the statutory mandate to assess health effects at contaminated sites. No published ATSDR health assessment for Centralia appears in accessible literature. EPA had jurisdiction over the venting gases and operated a radon program. Whether systematic radon monitoring occurred in Centralia homes is not established in the public record. Pennsylvania DOH had state-level community health investigation authority. Its public engagement focused on the safety rationale for relocation, not on longitudinal outcomes of the already-exposed population.
No. No peer-reviewed study establishing an epidemiologically confirmed cancer cluster attributable specifically to radon from the mine fire has surfaced in the available literature. The mechanism is coherent; the data is absent. The absence of the data is itself the accountability question — the result of institutions that did not conduct the study, not evidence that harm did not occur.
Prospective study in the form feasible at relocation is no longer possible. A retrospective mortality analysis comparing cause-of-death records for former residents against appropriate comparison populations remains feasible, as does systematic review of monitoring records from the fire period. The former resident population is aging. The window narrows each year. The study has not been done.
The six-part Centralia Files series examined how a Pennsylvania coal borough was dismantled through cost-benefit logic, jurisdictional deflection, service withdrawal, and eminent domain. It documented how the relocation of a community was framed as assistance, how the remaining residents were reframed as irrational, and how the place itself was eventually absorbed into spectacle.
What the series did not fully examine was a parallel failure that runs alongside the institutional record: the failure to formally study what the fire, and decades of exposure to its byproducts, actually did to the health of the people who lived above it.
This special report examines that failure directly.
The Science: What a Burning Coal Seam Produces
Coal is not chemically inert. It contains carbon, sulfur, and a range of mineral impurities including arsenic, cadmium, nickel, and silica. When it burns, it releases those compounds as gases, particulates, and aerosols. A coal seam fire burning through an interconnected network of mine workings beneath an occupied town is not a controlled combustion event. It is an open system, venting through surface fissures, basement penetrations, and ground cracks into the air that residents breathe.
The primary documented acute hazards of the Centralia fire were carbon monoxide and sulfurous gases. Carbon monoxide is odorless, colorless, and lethal at sufficient concentrations. It was monitored in Centralia homes throughout the 1970s and into the 1980s, and elevated readings were documented and recorded by state and federal agencies. Residents described symptoms consistent with chronic low-level carbon monoxide exposure: headaches, fatigue, respiratory irritation, and cognitive effects. David DeKok’s reporting documented these conditions in detail, and they are part of the agency record.
What is less well documented in the Centralia-specific literature, but well established in the broader scientific record, is a second hazard pathway: radon.
Radon is a naturally occurring radioactive gas produced by the decay of radium, which is itself a decay product of uranium and thorium. Both are present, in varying concentrations, in coal and in the rock formations associated with coal seams. As coal burns and the surrounding geology is heated and disturbed, radon gas is mobilized — freed from the matrix of rock and coal where it would otherwise decay in place — and migrates upward through fissures and mine passages toward the surface.
The health consequence of radon exposure is lung cancer. This is not disputed in the scientific literature. The EPA, the National Cancer Institute, and the World Health Organization all classify radon as a Group A human carcinogen — the highest classification, reserved for substances with definitive evidence of human carcinogenicity. Radon is the second leading cause of lung cancer in the United States after smoking, responsible for an estimated 21,000 deaths annually. — The Centralia Files Special Report
The mechanism is specific. Radon itself is chemically inert and passes through the lungs largely without effect. Its decay products — primarily polonium-218 and polonium-214 — are not inert. They emit alpha particles, attach to airborne dust, and are inhaled and deposited in the bronchial epithelium. Alpha particle radiation causes DNA damage at the cellular level, initiating the carcinogenic process. The dose-response relationship is linear: more exposure, more risk, with no established threshold below which exposure is safe.
What this means for Centralia is mechanistically clear. A burning coal seam beneath an occupied town, venting through a disturbed subsurface into residential structures with imperfect sealing, created conditions in which radon mobilization and accumulation were plausible and potentially significant. The fire heated the ground, disrupted the geology, and created pathways for gas migration that normal soil conditions would not have provided. Whether radon was in fact present at harmful levels in Centralia homes is a question the available record does not fully answer. That is the problem.
What Was Documented: The Hershey Finding and Its Limits
The most specific documented statement about the health of Centralia’s residents relative to surrounding communities comes from Hershey Medical Center, which confirmed that residents of Centralia suffered a greater incidence of health problems than those living in neighboring towns. This finding appears in the historical literature on Centralia and has been cited in subsequent accounts of the borough’s decline.
The Hershey finding established that a health differential existed. It did not characterize the nature of that differential with the specificity required to attribute it to particular exposures, identify which conditions were elevated and by how much, or create a baseline against which long-term health outcomes could be tracked.
A finding that a community has more health problems than its neighbors is a signal. The appropriate institutional response to that signal is a formal community health assessment: a structured epidemiological investigation that measures specific health outcomes, documents exposure histories, controls for confounding variables, and produces attributable risk estimates that can ground regulatory and legal action. No such study was conducted for Centralia. The population was relocated instead.
Who Had Authority and What They Did
Three federal and state agencies had the mandate, authority, or both to conduct formal health surveillance of Centralia’s affected population. The record of each warrants examination.
A health study of Centralia’s former residents, conducted after relocation, could have established what conditions the population had been living with, what health outcomes were elevated, and what the exposure-attributable burden of disease looked like. That information would have had implications for legal liability, for compensation beyond the property buyout, and for the policy record of how the fire’s management had affected human health.
It was not conducted — or if it was, it did not produce a publicly accessible finding. Not studying the health outcomes of a displaced population is a decision. It is quieter than a budget authorization or a legal filing. But it produces the same result: the harm remains unquantified, the liability remains unestablished, and the people who absorbed the exposure have no formal record connecting what happened to them to what was done to the ground beneath their homes.
The Radon Gap: What the Record Can and Cannot Support
The claim that has circulated in public discussion — that coal isotope degradation produced a radon-driven cancer cluster in the Centralia area — is worth evaluating on the terms Clutch Justice applies to all claims: what does the record support, what does it not support, and where is the boundary?
What the record supports: the scientific mechanism is coherent and well-established. The conditions for elevated radon exposure were present in Centralia. A health differential relative to surrounding communities was documented.
What the record does not support: a documented, epidemiologically confirmed cancer cluster in the Centralia area attributable specifically to radon from the mine fire. No peer-reviewed study establishing this finding has surfaced in the available literature.
The gap between those two positions is not exculpatory. It is itself the accountability question. The absence of a study is not evidence that harm did not occur. It is evidence that the institutions with authority to conduct the study did not do so. The population was relocated. Their health histories were not formally followed. The question of what the fire’s full biological cost was to the people who lived above it was never answered because it was never systematically asked.
What Should Have Happened and What Could Still
A formal health study of Centralia’s former resident population was feasible at the time of relocation and remains feasible now, in diminished form, for those still living and willing to participate.
What such a study would have required at relocation: a systematic health history of all relocated residents, including documentation of specific conditions, duration of residence, proximity to identified high-exposure areas, and occupational histories that might confound exposure attribution. Biological sampling where appropriate. Longitudinal follow-up. A comparison population. A lead agency with the authority and funding to conduct the work. ATSDR, EPA, and Pennsylvania DOH each had jurisdictional claims on some portion of that mandate. None, in the publicly available record, exercised it comprehensively.
What remains possible now: the former residents of Centralia are an aging population. Some have died. The window for prospective health study narrows with each year. What could still be done is a retrospective mortality analysis — comparing cause-of-death records for former Centralia residents against appropriate comparison populations — and a systematic review of whatever health monitoring records were generated during the fire period. That work would not answer every question. It would answer some of them, and it would establish formally whether the health differential Hershey Medical Center identified in the 1970s and 1980s persisted into elevated mortality from conditions most consistent with the documented exposures.
That study has not been done. Its absence is not a neutral fact. It is a decision, distributed across three agencies and several decades, that the health outcomes of Centralia’s former residents did not rise to the level of formal investigation.
The Surveillance Gap as Structural Pattern
The failure to study Centralia’s health outcomes is not an isolated oversight. It is consistent with a well-documented pattern in environmental public health: communities that are relocated or displaced in response to contamination are less likely to receive formal long-term health follow-up than communities that remain in place, because the institutional rationale for engagement dissolves when the population is no longer present at the site.
Once Centralia’s residents were relocated, the site became an abandoned borough above a burning mine. The monitoring that continued was environmental — ground temperature readings, gas monitoring, subsidence tracking — not epidemiological. The people had been moved. The institutional attention moved with the site, not with the people.
This pattern appears in other managed relocation contexts. Communities relocated from flood plains under FEMA buyout programs do not receive systematic health follow-up. Communities displaced from Superfund-adjacent areas are not routinely tracked for long-term health outcomes after relocation. The displacement resolves the agency’s immediate problem. The long-term health record of the displaced population is not part of the program’s design.
Centralia illustrates this pattern with the same legibility it brings to every other dimension of managed decline. The documentation is recoverable. The decision chain is visible. The gap between what was known, what was studied, and what was formally established is identifiable in the record precisely because the record exists.
What was known: residents had more health problems than their neighbors. What was studied: not enough to establish causation, attribution, or long-term outcomes. What was formally established: that the conditions justified relocation. What was never established: what those conditions had already cost the people being relocated.
That question is still open. It deserves a formal answer. The institutions that could have produced one did not. The institutions that could still produce a partial one have not been asked to do so in any public or systematic way.
EPA — Radon: Health Risk — epa.gov/radon (Group A carcinogen classification; 21,000 annual U.S. lung cancer deaths; dose-response relationship)
National Cancer Institute — Radon and Cancer Fact Sheet — cancer.gov
WHO — Radon and Health — who.int
Nazaroff, W.W. & Nero, A.V. (eds.), Radon and Its Decay Products in Indoor Air (1988) — mechanism of radon mobilization from subsurface sources; alpha particle bronchial deposition pathway
BEIR VI Report — Health Effects of Exposure to Radon, National Academy of Sciences (1999) — linear dose-response; no safe exposure threshold
Centralia Health RecordHershey Medical Center finding — cited in DeKok (2009) and Quigley (2007); health differential of Centralia residents relative to neighboring communities
David DeKok, Fire Underground: The Ongoing Tragedy of the Centralia Mine Fire (2009) — documented carbon monoxide readings; resident symptom accounts; agency monitoring record — View ?
Joan Quigley, The Day the Earth Caved In: An American Mining Tragedy (2007) — resident health accounts; canary documentation; relocation period record — View ?
Agency MandateATSDR — Agency Mission and Statutory Authority under CERCLA — atsdr.cdc.gov
EPA Radon Program — epa.gov/radon
Pennsylvania Department of Health — Community Health Assessment authority
Structural PatternAltman, R.G., et al., Chemical Body Burden and Community Engagement in Environmental Health Research, American Journal of Public Health (2008) — post-relocation health surveillance gap as structural pattern
Wing, S., Objectivity and Ethics in Environmental Health Science, Environmental Health Perspectives (2003) — institutional incentives against community health follow-up after displacement
Bluebook: Rita Williams, What Was Never Studied: Health Surveillance, Radon, and the Population That Was Relocated Before the Questions Were Answered, Clutch Justice Special Report (2026), https://clutchjustice.com/2026/03/26/the-centralia-files-part-vii-what-remains/.